UPSC Static Quiz – Polity : 15 October 2025
Kartavya Desk Staff
UPSC Static Quiz – Polity : 15 2025 We will post 5 questions daily on static topics mentioned in the UPSC civil services preliminary examination syllabus. Each week will focus on a specific topic from the syllabus, such as History of India and Indian National Movement, Indian and World Geography, and more. We are excited to bring you our daily UPSC Static Quiz, designed to help you prepare for the UPSC Civil Services Preliminary Examination. Each day, we will post 5 questions on static topics mentioned in the UPSC syllabus. This week, we are focusing on Indian and World Geography.
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• Question 1 of 5 1. Question Which of the following statements most correctly describes the relationship between the Prime Minister and the President of India? (a) The Prime Minister is bound to follow the President's advice on all matters of national importance. (b) The President appoints the Prime Minister based on their own discretion, irrespective of the majority support in the Lok Sabha. (c) The Prime Minister is the principal channel of communication between the Council of Ministers and the President. (d) The President can dismiss the Prime Minister at any time without assigning any reason. Correct Solution: C Statement (a) is incorrect. Under the parliamentary system established by the Constitution, the President is the nominal executive who acts on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister (Article 74(1)). The 42nd Amendment made this advice binding, and the 44th Amendment allowed the President to return the advice once for reconsideration, but the reconsidered advice is binding. The Prime Minister advises the President, not the other way around. Statement (b) is incorrect. The President’s discretion in appointing the Prime Minister is highly limited by constitutional convention. The President is bound to appoint the leader of the party that commands a majority in the Lok Sabha as the Prime Minister. Discretion arises only in a situation where no single party or coalition has a clear majority (a hung parliament). Even then, the President’s discretion is guided by the objective of finding a person who can prove their majority on the floor of the House. Statement (c) is correct. This is a direct articulation of the duty of the Prime Minister as laid down in Article 78(a) of the Constitution. It explicitly states that it shall be the duty of the Prime Minister “to communicate to the President all decisions of the Council of Ministers relating to the administration of the affairs of the Union and proposals for legislation.” This makes the Prime Minister the vital link between the executive (Council of Ministers) and the formal Head of State, ensuring the President is kept informed. Statement (d) is incorrect. The Prime Minister holds office during the pleasure of the President (Article 75(2)). However, this ‘pleasure’ is not absolute or arbitrary. It is a constitutional convention that the President’s pleasure is co-terminus with the Prime Minister’s enjoyment of majority support in the Lok Sabha. The President can dismiss the Prime Minister only when the Prime Minister has lost the confidence of the Lok Sabha and refuses to resign. Incorrect Solution: C Statement (a) is incorrect. Under the parliamentary system established by the Constitution, the President is the nominal executive who acts on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister (Article 74(1)). The 42nd Amendment made this advice binding, and the 44th Amendment allowed the President to return the advice once for reconsideration, but the reconsidered advice is binding. The Prime Minister advises the President, not the other way around. Statement (b) is incorrect. The President’s discretion in appointing the Prime Minister is highly limited by constitutional convention. The President is bound to appoint the leader of the party that commands a majority in the Lok Sabha as the Prime Minister. Discretion arises only in a situation where no single party or coalition has a clear majority (a hung parliament). Even then, the President’s discretion is guided by the objective of finding a person who can prove their majority on the floor of the House. Statement (c) is correct. This is a direct articulation of the duty of the Prime Minister as laid down in Article 78(a) of the Constitution. It explicitly states that it shall be the duty of the Prime Minister “to communicate to the President all decisions of the Council of Ministers relating to the administration of the affairs of the Union and proposals for legislation.” This makes the Prime Minister the vital link between the executive (Council of Ministers) and the formal Head of State, ensuring the President is kept informed. Statement (d) is incorrect. The Prime Minister holds office during the pleasure of the President (Article 75(2)). However, this ‘pleasure’ is not absolute or arbitrary. It is a constitutional convention that the President’s pleasure is co-terminus with the Prime Minister’s enjoyment of majority support in the Lok Sabha. The President can dismiss the Prime Minister only when the Prime Minister has lost the confidence of the Lok Sabha and refuses to resign.
#### 1. Question
Which of the following statements most correctly describes the relationship between the Prime Minister and the President of India?
• (a) The Prime Minister is bound to follow the President's advice on all matters of national importance.
• (b) The President appoints the Prime Minister based on their own discretion, irrespective of the majority support in the Lok Sabha.
• (c) The Prime Minister is the principal channel of communication between the Council of Ministers and the President.
• (d) The President can dismiss the Prime Minister at any time without assigning any reason.
Solution: C
• Statement (a) is incorrect. Under the parliamentary system established by the Constitution, the President is the nominal executive who acts on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister (Article 74(1)). The 42nd Amendment made this advice binding, and the 44th Amendment allowed the President to return the advice once for reconsideration, but the reconsidered advice is binding. The Prime Minister advises the President, not the other way around.
• Statement (b) is incorrect. The President’s discretion in appointing the Prime Minister is highly limited by constitutional convention. The President is bound to appoint the leader of the party that commands a majority in the Lok Sabha as the Prime Minister. Discretion arises only in a situation where no single party or coalition has a clear majority (a hung parliament). Even then, the President’s discretion is guided by the objective of finding a person who can prove their majority on the floor of the House.
• Statement (c) is correct. This is a direct articulation of the duty of the Prime Minister as laid down in Article 78(a) of the Constitution. It explicitly states that it shall be the duty of the Prime Minister “to communicate to the President all decisions of the Council of Ministers relating to the administration of the affairs of the Union and proposals for legislation.” This makes the Prime Minister the vital link between the executive (Council of Ministers) and the formal Head of State, ensuring the President is kept informed.
• Statement (d) is incorrect. The Prime Minister holds office during the pleasure of the President (Article 75(2)). However, this ‘pleasure’ is not absolute or arbitrary. It is a constitutional convention that the President’s pleasure is co-terminus with the Prime Minister’s enjoyment of majority support in the Lok Sabha. The President can dismiss the Prime Minister only when the Prime Minister has lost the confidence of the Lok Sabha and refuses to resign.
Solution: C
• Statement (a) is incorrect. Under the parliamentary system established by the Constitution, the President is the nominal executive who acts on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister (Article 74(1)). The 42nd Amendment made this advice binding, and the 44th Amendment allowed the President to return the advice once for reconsideration, but the reconsidered advice is binding. The Prime Minister advises the President, not the other way around.
• Statement (b) is incorrect. The President’s discretion in appointing the Prime Minister is highly limited by constitutional convention. The President is bound to appoint the leader of the party that commands a majority in the Lok Sabha as the Prime Minister. Discretion arises only in a situation where no single party or coalition has a clear majority (a hung parliament). Even then, the President’s discretion is guided by the objective of finding a person who can prove their majority on the floor of the House.
• Statement (c) is correct. This is a direct articulation of the duty of the Prime Minister as laid down in Article 78(a) of the Constitution. It explicitly states that it shall be the duty of the Prime Minister “to communicate to the President all decisions of the Council of Ministers relating to the administration of the affairs of the Union and proposals for legislation.” This makes the Prime Minister the vital link between the executive (Council of Ministers) and the formal Head of State, ensuring the President is kept informed.
• Statement (d) is incorrect. The Prime Minister holds office during the pleasure of the President (Article 75(2)). However, this ‘pleasure’ is not absolute or arbitrary. It is a constitutional convention that the President’s pleasure is co-terminus with the Prime Minister’s enjoyment of majority support in the Lok Sabha. The President can dismiss the Prime Minister only when the Prime Minister has lost the confidence of the Lok Sabha and refuses to resign.
• Question 2 of 5 2. Question Which of the following circumstances would require the President of India to act on his own discretion without the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers? Appointing the Prime Minister when no single party has a clear majority in the Lok Sabha. Dismissing the Council of Ministers which has lost the confidence of the Lok Sabha but refuses to resign. Dissolution of the Lok Sabha if the Council of Ministers has lost its majority. Select the correct answer using the code given below: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 1 and 3 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3 Correct Solution: D Statement 1 is a correct example of situational discretion. When no party or coalition secures a clear majority after a general election (a hung parliament), the President has to use his discretion to appoint a Prime Minister. The President’s task is to identify the person most likely to be able to command the confidence of the Lok Sabha. This is a critical discretionary power. Statement 2 is a correct example of situational discretion. If a Council of Ministers loses a vote of no-confidence in the Lok Sabha, it is constitutionally bound to resign. If it refuses to do so, the President is not bound by its advice and can exercise his discretion to dismiss the ministry. This is essential to uphold the principle of parliamentary democracy. Statement 3 is a correct example of situational discretion. If the ruling party or coalition loses its majority in the Lok Sabha, the Council of Ministers may advise the President to dissolve the House and call for fresh elections. In this situation, the President is not automatically bound by this advice. He can use his discretion to explore the possibility of forming an alternative government without dissolving the House. If he is satisfied that a viable alternative exists, he can refuse the advice for dissolution. Incorrect Solution: D Statement 1 is a correct example of situational discretion. When no party or coalition secures a clear majority after a general election (a hung parliament), the President has to use his discretion to appoint a Prime Minister. The President’s task is to identify the person most likely to be able to command the confidence of the Lok Sabha. This is a critical discretionary power. Statement 2 is a correct example of situational discretion. If a Council of Ministers loses a vote of no-confidence in the Lok Sabha, it is constitutionally bound to resign. If it refuses to do so, the President is not bound by its advice and can exercise his discretion to dismiss the ministry. This is essential to uphold the principle of parliamentary democracy. Statement 3 is a correct example of situational discretion. If the ruling party or coalition loses its majority in the Lok Sabha, the Council of Ministers may advise the President to dissolve the House and call for fresh elections. In this situation, the President is not automatically bound by this advice. He can use his discretion to explore the possibility of forming an alternative government without dissolving the House. If he is satisfied that a viable alternative exists, he can refuse the advice for dissolution.
#### 2. Question
Which of the following circumstances would require the President of India to act on his own discretion without the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers?
• Appointing the Prime Minister when no single party has a clear majority in the Lok Sabha.
• Dismissing the Council of Ministers which has lost the confidence of the Lok Sabha but refuses to resign.
• Dissolution of the Lok Sabha if the Council of Ministers has lost its majority.
Select the correct answer using the code given below:
• (a) 1 and 2 only
• (b) 1 and 3 only
• (c) 2 and 3 only
• (d) 1, 2 and 3
Solution: D
• Statement 1 is a correct example of situational discretion. When no party or coalition secures a clear majority after a general election (a hung parliament), the President has to use his discretion to appoint a Prime Minister. The President’s task is to identify the person most likely to be able to command the confidence of the Lok Sabha. This is a critical discretionary power.
• Statement 2 is a correct example of situational discretion. If a Council of Ministers loses a vote of no-confidence in the Lok Sabha, it is constitutionally bound to resign. If it refuses to do so, the President is not bound by its advice and can exercise his discretion to dismiss the ministry. This is essential to uphold the principle of parliamentary democracy.
• Statement 3 is a correct example of situational discretion. If the ruling party or coalition loses its majority in the Lok Sabha, the Council of Ministers may advise the President to dissolve the House and call for fresh elections. In this situation, the President is not automatically bound by this advice. He can use his discretion to explore the possibility of forming an alternative government without dissolving the House. If he is satisfied that a viable alternative exists, he can refuse the advice for dissolution.
Solution: D
• Statement 1 is a correct example of situational discretion. When no party or coalition secures a clear majority after a general election (a hung parliament), the President has to use his discretion to appoint a Prime Minister. The President’s task is to identify the person most likely to be able to command the confidence of the Lok Sabha. This is a critical discretionary power.
• Statement 2 is a correct example of situational discretion. If a Council of Ministers loses a vote of no-confidence in the Lok Sabha, it is constitutionally bound to resign. If it refuses to do so, the President is not bound by its advice and can exercise his discretion to dismiss the ministry. This is essential to uphold the principle of parliamentary democracy.
• Statement 3 is a correct example of situational discretion. If the ruling party or coalition loses its majority in the Lok Sabha, the Council of Ministers may advise the President to dissolve the House and call for fresh elections. In this situation, the President is not automatically bound by this advice. He can use his discretion to explore the possibility of forming an alternative government without dissolving the House. If he is satisfied that a viable alternative exists, he can refuse the advice for dissolution.
• Question 3 of 5 3. Question Consider the following statements: Statement-I: The President of India is elected by a system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote. Statement-II: The proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote system ensures that the successful candidate is returned by an absolute majority of votes, reflecting a wide-based support, befitting the Head of the Union. Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements? (a) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is the correct explanation for Statement-I (b) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is not the correct explanation for Statement-I (c) Statement-I is correct but Statement-II is incorrect (d) Statement-I is incorrect but Statement-II is correct Correct Solution: A Statement-I is correct. Article 55(3) of the Constitution explicitly lays down that the election of the President shall be held in accordance with the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote, and the voting at such election shall be by secret ballot. This is a complex system designed for a specific purpose. Statement-II is correct. The primary objective of adopting the proportional representation system for the presidential election is to ensure that the winning candidate secures an absolute majority of the total valid votes polled, not just a simple plurality like in the First-Past-The-Post system used for Lok Sabha elections. This is achieved through a system of transferable votes where a candidate must secure a specific quota of votes to be declared elected. If no candidate secures the quota in the first count, the candidate with the fewest votes is eliminated, and their second-preference votes are transferred to the remaining candidates. This process continues until one candidate reaches the quota. This ensures that the President is not elected on a minority of votes but enjoys the support of a majority of the electors, giving the office a broad and representative character. Statement-II provides the precise and correct explanation for why the system mentioned in Statement-I was adopted by the Constituent Assembly. Incorrect Solution: A Statement-I is correct. Article 55(3) of the Constitution explicitly lays down that the election of the President shall be held in accordance with the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote, and the voting at such election shall be by secret ballot. This is a complex system designed for a specific purpose. Statement-II is correct. The primary objective of adopting the proportional representation system for the presidential election is to ensure that the winning candidate secures an absolute majority of the total valid votes polled, not just a simple plurality like in the First-Past-The-Post system used for Lok Sabha elections. This is achieved through a system of transferable votes where a candidate must secure a specific quota of votes to be declared elected. If no candidate secures the quota in the first count, the candidate with the fewest votes is eliminated, and their second-preference votes are transferred to the remaining candidates. This process continues until one candidate reaches the quota. This ensures that the President is not elected on a minority of votes but enjoys the support of a majority of the electors, giving the office a broad and representative character. Statement-II provides the precise and correct explanation for why the system mentioned in Statement-I was adopted by the Constituent Assembly.
#### 3. Question
Consider the following statements:
Statement-I: The President of India is elected by a system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote.
Statement-II: The proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote system ensures that the successful candidate is returned by an absolute majority of votes, reflecting a wide-based support, befitting the Head of the Union.
Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?
• (a) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is the correct explanation for Statement-I
• (b) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is not the correct explanation for Statement-I
• (c) Statement-I is correct but Statement-II is incorrect
• (d) Statement-I is incorrect but Statement-II is correct
Solution: A
• Statement-I is correct. Article 55(3) of the Constitution explicitly lays down that the election of the President shall be held in accordance with the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote, and the voting at such election shall be by secret ballot. This is a complex system designed for a specific purpose.
• Statement-II is correct. The primary objective of adopting the proportional representation system for the presidential election is to ensure that the winning candidate secures an absolute majority of the total valid votes polled, not just a simple plurality like in the First-Past-The-Post system used for Lok Sabha elections. This is achieved through a system of transferable votes where a candidate must secure a specific quota of votes to be declared elected. If no candidate secures the quota in the first count, the candidate with the fewest votes is eliminated, and their second-preference votes are transferred to the remaining candidates. This process continues until one candidate reaches the quota. This ensures that the President is not elected on a minority of votes but enjoys the support of a majority of the electors, giving the office a broad and representative character.
• Statement-II provides the precise and correct explanation for why the system mentioned in Statement-I was adopted by the Constituent Assembly.
Solution: A
• Statement-I is correct. Article 55(3) of the Constitution explicitly lays down that the election of the President shall be held in accordance with the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote, and the voting at such election shall be by secret ballot. This is a complex system designed for a specific purpose.
• Statement-II is correct. The primary objective of adopting the proportional representation system for the presidential election is to ensure that the winning candidate secures an absolute majority of the total valid votes polled, not just a simple plurality like in the First-Past-The-Post system used for Lok Sabha elections. This is achieved through a system of transferable votes where a candidate must secure a specific quota of votes to be declared elected. If no candidate secures the quota in the first count, the candidate with the fewest votes is eliminated, and their second-preference votes are transferred to the remaining candidates. This process continues until one candidate reaches the quota. This ensures that the President is not elected on a minority of votes but enjoys the support of a majority of the electors, giving the office a broad and representative character.
• Statement-II provides the precise and correct explanation for why the system mentioned in Statement-I was adopted by the Constituent Assembly.
• Question 4 of 5 4. Question Consider the following statements. Statement-I: In a constitutional monarchy, the monarch’s powers are largely ceremonial, and actual governance is carried out by elected representatives. Statement-II: A republic cannot have any ceremonial Head of State; the elected Head of State must always exercise substantive executive powers. Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements? a) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is the correct explanation for Statement-I b) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is not the correct explanation for Statement-I c) Statement-I is correct but Statement-II is incorrect d) Statement-I is incorrect but Statement-II is correct Correct Solution: C Statement-I is correct. In a constitutional monarchy (e.g., UK, Japan), the monarch is the Head of State, but their powers are significantly limited by the constitution and conventions. They perform largely ceremonial duties, and the real executive power is exercised by the elected government, typically headed by a Prime Minister who is responsible to the legislature. Statement-II is incorrect. A republic can have a Head of State whose role is largely ceremonial, with substantive executive powers vested in another authority like a Prime Minister. India is an example of such a parliamentary republic. The President of India is the Head of State and has various constitutional powers, but in a parliamentary system, the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers exercise the real executive authority. The President largely acts on their aid and advice. Therefore, it is not necessary for an elected Head of State in a republic to always exercise substantive executive powers directly. The nature of power distribution depends on whether the republic is presidential (like the USA) or parliamentary (like India). Incorrect Solution: C Statement-I is correct. In a constitutional monarchy (e.g., UK, Japan), the monarch is the Head of State, but their powers are significantly limited by the constitution and conventions. They perform largely ceremonial duties, and the real executive power is exercised by the elected government, typically headed by a Prime Minister who is responsible to the legislature. Statement-II is incorrect. A republic can have a Head of State whose role is largely ceremonial, with substantive executive powers vested in another authority like a Prime Minister. India is an example of such a parliamentary republic. The President of India is the Head of State and has various constitutional powers, but in a parliamentary system, the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers exercise the real executive authority. The President largely acts on their aid and advice. Therefore, it is not necessary for an elected Head of State in a republic to always exercise substantive executive powers directly. The nature of power distribution depends on whether the republic is presidential (like the USA) or parliamentary (like India).
#### 4. Question
Consider the following statements.
Statement-I: In a constitutional monarchy, the monarch’s powers are largely ceremonial, and actual governance is carried out by elected representatives.
Statement-II: A republic cannot have any ceremonial Head of State; the elected Head of State must always exercise substantive executive powers.
Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?
• a) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is the correct explanation for Statement-I
• b) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is not the correct explanation for Statement-I
• c) Statement-I is correct but Statement-II is incorrect
• d) Statement-I is incorrect but Statement-II is correct
Solution: C
• Statement-I is correct. In a constitutional monarchy (e.g., UK, Japan), the monarch is the Head of State, but their powers are significantly limited by the constitution and conventions. They perform largely ceremonial duties, and the real executive power is exercised by the elected government, typically headed by a Prime Minister who is responsible to the legislature.
• Statement-II is incorrect. A republic can have a Head of State whose role is largely ceremonial, with substantive executive powers vested in another authority like a Prime Minister. India is an example of such a parliamentary republic. The President of India is the Head of State and has various constitutional powers, but in a parliamentary system, the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers exercise the real executive authority. The President largely acts on their aid and advice.
• Therefore, it is not necessary for an elected Head of State in a republic to always exercise substantive executive powers directly. The nature of power distribution depends on whether the republic is presidential (like the USA) or parliamentary (like India).
Solution: C
• Statement-I is correct. In a constitutional monarchy (e.g., UK, Japan), the monarch is the Head of State, but their powers are significantly limited by the constitution and conventions. They perform largely ceremonial duties, and the real executive power is exercised by the elected government, typically headed by a Prime Minister who is responsible to the legislature.
• Statement-II is incorrect. A republic can have a Head of State whose role is largely ceremonial, with substantive executive powers vested in another authority like a Prime Minister. India is an example of such a parliamentary republic. The President of India is the Head of State and has various constitutional powers, but in a parliamentary system, the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers exercise the real executive authority. The President largely acts on their aid and advice.
• Therefore, it is not necessary for an elected Head of State in a republic to always exercise substantive executive powers directly. The nature of power distribution depends on whether the republic is presidential (like the USA) or parliamentary (like India).
• Question 5 of 5 5. Question Which of the following situations can be considered a valid ground for the Governor to recommend the imposition of President’s Rule in a state under Article 356? A ministry resigns or is dismissed on losing a majority vote in the assembly, and no alternative ministry can be formed. The state government is deliberately acting against the Constitution and the law. Severe maladministration in the state leading to widespread public discontent. Select the correct answer using the code given below: (a) 1 only (b) 1 and 2 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3 Correct Solution: B Statement 1 is a valid ground. This represents a classic case of constitutional breakdown. If the incumbent government loses its majority and no other party or coalition is in a position to form a stable government that can command the confidence of the assembly, a constitutional vacuum is created. In such a situation, the machinery of the state government cannot function as per the principles of parliamentary democracy, justifying the imposition of President’s Rule. Statement 2 is a valid ground. This was a key point emphasized in the landmark S.R. Bommai case. The Supreme Court held that if a state government engages in actions that are patently unconstitutional, such as subverting secularism (a basic feature of the Constitution) or refusing to follow the law, it can be considered a failure of the constitutional machinery. This is a direct violation of the oath to uphold the Constitution. Statement 3 is not a valid ground in itself. The Supreme Court in the S.R. Bommai case explicitly cautioned against the misuse of Article 356. It held that maladministration, corruption, or financial exigencies are not sufficient grounds for invoking President’s Rule. These issues should be addressed through other mechanisms and by the electorate. Article 356 is an extraordinary remedy for a breakdown of the constitutional machinery, not a tool to correct poor governance. Therefore, widespread public discontent due to maladministration alone does not meet the high threshold for imposing President’s Rule. Incorrect Solution: B Statement 1 is a valid ground. This represents a classic case of constitutional breakdown. If the incumbent government loses its majority and no other party or coalition is in a position to form a stable government that can command the confidence of the assembly, a constitutional vacuum is created. In such a situation, the machinery of the state government cannot function as per the principles of parliamentary democracy, justifying the imposition of President’s Rule. Statement 2 is a valid ground. This was a key point emphasized in the landmark S.R. Bommai case. The Supreme Court held that if a state government engages in actions that are patently unconstitutional, such as subverting secularism (a basic feature of the Constitution) or refusing to follow the law, it can be considered a failure of the constitutional machinery. This is a direct violation of the oath to uphold the Constitution. Statement 3 is not a valid ground in itself. The Supreme Court in the S.R. Bommai case explicitly cautioned against the misuse of Article 356. It held that maladministration, corruption, or financial exigencies are not sufficient grounds for invoking President’s Rule. These issues should be addressed through other mechanisms and by the electorate. Article 356 is an extraordinary remedy for a breakdown of the constitutional machinery, not a tool to correct poor governance. Therefore, widespread public discontent due to maladministration alone does not meet the high threshold for imposing President’s Rule.
#### 5. Question
Which of the following situations can be considered a valid ground for the Governor to recommend the imposition of President’s Rule in a state under Article 356?
• A ministry resigns or is dismissed on losing a majority vote in the assembly, and no alternative ministry can be formed.
• The state government is deliberately acting against the Constitution and the law.
• Severe maladministration in the state leading to widespread public discontent.
Select the correct answer using the code given below:
• (a) 1 only
• (b) 1 and 2 only
• (c) 2 and 3 only
• (d) 1, 2 and 3
Solution: B
Statement 1 is a valid ground. This represents a classic case of constitutional breakdown. If the incumbent government loses its majority and no other party or coalition is in a position to form a stable government that can command the confidence of the assembly, a constitutional vacuum is created. In such a situation, the machinery of the state government cannot function as per the principles of parliamentary democracy, justifying the imposition of President’s Rule.
Statement 2 is a valid ground. This was a key point emphasized in the landmark S.R. Bommai case. The Supreme Court held that if a state government engages in actions that are patently unconstitutional, such as subverting secularism (a basic feature of the Constitution) or refusing to follow the law, it can be considered a failure of the constitutional machinery. This is a direct violation of the oath to uphold the Constitution.
Statement 3 is not a valid ground in itself. The Supreme Court in the S.R. Bommai case explicitly cautioned against the misuse of Article 356. It held that maladministration, corruption, or financial exigencies are not sufficient grounds for invoking President’s Rule. These issues should be addressed through other mechanisms and by the electorate. Article 356 is an extraordinary remedy for a breakdown of the constitutional machinery, not a tool to correct poor governance. Therefore, widespread public discontent due to maladministration alone does not meet the high threshold for imposing President’s Rule.
Solution: B
Statement 1 is a valid ground. This represents a classic case of constitutional breakdown. If the incumbent government loses its majority and no other party or coalition is in a position to form a stable government that can command the confidence of the assembly, a constitutional vacuum is created. In such a situation, the machinery of the state government cannot function as per the principles of parliamentary democracy, justifying the imposition of President’s Rule.
Statement 2 is a valid ground. This was a key point emphasized in the landmark S.R. Bommai case. The Supreme Court held that if a state government engages in actions that are patently unconstitutional, such as subverting secularism (a basic feature of the Constitution) or refusing to follow the law, it can be considered a failure of the constitutional machinery. This is a direct violation of the oath to uphold the Constitution.
Statement 3 is not a valid ground in itself. The Supreme Court in the S.R. Bommai case explicitly cautioned against the misuse of Article 356. It held that maladministration, corruption, or financial exigencies are not sufficient grounds for invoking President’s Rule. These issues should be addressed through other mechanisms and by the electorate. Article 356 is an extraordinary remedy for a breakdown of the constitutional machinery, not a tool to correct poor governance. Therefore, widespread public discontent due to maladministration alone does not meet the high threshold for imposing President’s Rule.
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