UPSC Static Quiz – History : 5 February 2026

UPSC Static Quiz – History : 5 February 2026 We will post 5 questions daily on static topics mentioned in the UPSC civil services preliminary examination syllabus. Each week will focus on a specific topic from the syllabus, such as History of India and Indian National Movement, Indian and World Geography, and more. We are excited to bring you our daily UPSC Static Quiz, designed to help you prepare for the UPSC Civil Services Preliminary Examination. Each day, we will post 5 questions on static topics mentioned in the UPSC syllabus. This week, we are focusing on Indian and World Geography.

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• Question 1 of 5 1. Question Which of the following was NOT a policy or act introduced during Lord Curzon’s viceroyalty (1899–1905)? (a) The Calcutta Corporation Act (b) The Ancient Monuments Preservation Act (c) The Rowlatt Act (d) The Indian Universities Act Correct Solution: C The Rowlatt Act(officially the Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes Act) was passed in 1919, long after Curzon had left India, and during the viceroyalty of Lord Chelmsford. The other three are “signature” Curzonian measures. The Calcutta Corporation Act (1899)reflected his desire to centralize municipal control. The Ancient Monuments Preservation Act (1904)was his tribute to India’s past grandeur. The Indian Universities Act (1904)was his tool to curb campus nationalism. Aspirants must be careful with chronology; Curzon’s tenure ended in 1905 following his controversy with Lord Kitchener and the intense backlash against the partition of Bengal. His successor, Lord Minto, would have to deal with the fallout, including the Surat Split and the rise of revolutionary terrorism. Incorrect Solution: C The Rowlatt Act(officially the Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes Act) was passed in 1919, long after Curzon had left India, and during the viceroyalty of Lord Chelmsford. The other three are “signature” Curzonian measures. The Calcutta Corporation Act (1899)reflected his desire to centralize municipal control. The Ancient Monuments Preservation Act (1904)was his tribute to India’s past grandeur. The Indian Universities Act (1904)was his tool to curb campus nationalism. Aspirants must be careful with chronology; Curzon’s tenure ended in 1905 following his controversy with Lord Kitchener and the intense backlash against the partition of Bengal. His successor, Lord Minto, would have to deal with the fallout, including the Surat Split and the rise of revolutionary terrorism.

#### 1. Question

Which of the following was NOT a policy or act introduced during Lord Curzon’s viceroyalty (1899–1905)?

• (a) The Calcutta Corporation Act

• (b) The Ancient Monuments Preservation Act

• (c) The Rowlatt Act

• (d) The Indian Universities Act

Solution: C

• The Rowlatt Act(officially the Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes Act) was passed in 1919, long after Curzon had left India, and during the viceroyalty of Lord Chelmsford. The other three are “signature” Curzonian measures.

• The Calcutta Corporation Act (1899)reflected his desire to centralize municipal control.

• The Ancient Monuments Preservation Act (1904)was his tribute to India’s past grandeur.

• The Indian Universities Act (1904)was his tool to curb campus nationalism. Aspirants must be careful with chronology; Curzon’s tenure ended in 1905 following his controversy with Lord Kitchener and the intense backlash against the partition of Bengal.

• His successor, Lord Minto, would have to deal with the fallout, including the Surat Split and the rise of revolutionary terrorism.

Solution: C

• The Calcutta Corporation Act (1899)reflected his desire to centralize municipal control.

• The Ancient Monuments Preservation Act (1904)was his tribute to India’s past grandeur.

• His successor, Lord Minto, would have to deal with the fallout, including the Surat Split and the rise of revolutionary terrorism.

• Question 2 of 5 2. Question With reference to the Dandi March (1930), consider the following: Statement I: Mahatma Gandhi chose salt as the central theme of the movement because it was a commodity used by both the rich and the poor, ensuring a universal base for protest. Statement II: The British government had a monopoly on the manufacture and collection of salt under the Indian Salt Act of 1882. Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements? (a) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is the correct explanation for Statement-I (b) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is not the correct explanation for Statement-I (c) Statement-I is correct but Statement-II is incorrect (d) Statement-I is incorrect but Statement-II is correct Correct Solution: A Both Statement I and Statement II are correct, and Statement II correctly explains Statement I. Mahatma Gandhi’s choice of salt as the focal point of the Dandi March was a carefully calculated strategic decision. Salt was an essential commodity consumed daily by every Indian, cutting across class, caste, region, and religion. Unlike abstract constitutional demands, the salt tax directly affected the poorest sections of society, including peasants, labourers, and coastal communities. This universality ensured that the protest would resonate with the masses and transform nationalism from an elite-led movement into a genuinely popular one. The explanation for this choice lies in the Indian Salt Act of 1882, under which the British government imposed a strict monopoly over the manufacture and collection of salt. Indians were not only forbidden from producing salt independently but were also forced to buy it at inflated prices from the colonial state. This monopoly symbolised the exploitative nature of colonial rule in its most everyday form. By breaking the salt law, Gandhi challenged the moral legitimacy of British authority itself. Thus, the British monopoly over salt directly explains why Gandhi selected it as the ideal instrument for mass civil disobedience. Incorrect Solution: A Both Statement I and Statement II are correct, and Statement II correctly explains Statement I. Mahatma Gandhi’s choice of salt as the focal point of the Dandi March was a carefully calculated strategic decision. Salt was an essential commodity consumed daily by every Indian, cutting across class, caste, region, and religion. Unlike abstract constitutional demands, the salt tax directly affected the poorest sections of society, including peasants, labourers, and coastal communities. This universality ensured that the protest would resonate with the masses and transform nationalism from an elite-led movement into a genuinely popular one. The explanation for this choice lies in the Indian Salt Act of 1882, under which the British government imposed a strict monopoly over the manufacture and collection of salt. Indians were not only forbidden from producing salt independently but were also forced to buy it at inflated prices from the colonial state. This monopoly symbolised the exploitative nature of colonial rule in its most everyday form. By breaking the salt law, Gandhi challenged the moral legitimacy of British authority itself. Thus, the British monopoly over salt directly explains why Gandhi selected it as the ideal instrument for mass civil disobedience.

#### 2. Question

With reference to the Dandi March (1930), consider the following:

Statement I: Mahatma Gandhi chose salt as the central theme of the movement because it was a commodity used by both the rich and the poor, ensuring a universal base for protest.

Statement II: The British government had a monopoly on the manufacture and collection of salt under the Indian Salt Act of 1882.

Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?

• (a) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is the correct explanation for Statement-I

• (b) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is not the correct explanation for Statement-I

• (c) Statement-I is correct but Statement-II is incorrect

• (d) Statement-I is incorrect but Statement-II is correct

Solution: A

• Both Statement I and Statement II are correct, and Statement II correctly explains Statement I.

• Mahatma Gandhi’s choice of salt as the focal point of the Dandi March was a carefully calculated strategic decision. Salt was an essential commodity consumed daily by every Indian, cutting across class, caste, region, and religion. Unlike abstract constitutional demands, the salt tax directly affected the poorest sections of society, including peasants, labourers, and coastal communities. This universality ensured that the protest would resonate with the masses and transform nationalism from an elite-led movement into a genuinely popular one.

• The explanation for this choice lies in the Indian Salt Act of 1882, under which the British government imposed a strict monopoly over the manufacture and collection of salt. Indians were not only forbidden from producing salt independently but were also forced to buy it at inflated prices from the colonial state. This monopoly symbolised the exploitative nature of colonial rule in its most everyday form. By breaking the salt law, Gandhi challenged the moral legitimacy of British authority itself. Thus, the British monopoly over salt directly explains why Gandhi selected it as the ideal instrument for mass civil disobedience.

Solution: A

• Both Statement I and Statement II are correct, and Statement II correctly explains Statement I.

• Question 3 of 5 3. Question With reference to the Government of India Act, 1919 (Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms), consider the following statements: The Act introduced a system of ‘dyarchy’ in the provinces, where all provincial subjects were administered by ministers responsible to the legislative council. It established a bicameral legislature at the Centre for the first time. The franchise for provincial elections was extended to all adults above the age of 21. How many of the above statements are correct? (a) Only one (b) Only two (c) All three (d) None Correct Solution: A Statement 1 is incorrect. The system of ‘dyarchy’ (rule of two) introduced in the provinces did not place all subjects under responsible ministers. Instead, it created a division of provincial subjects into two lists: ‘Reserved’ and ‘Transferred’. Reserved subjects (like finance, law and order, police) were administered by the Governor with his executive councillors, who were not responsible to the legislature. Transferred subjects (like education, health, local government) were administered by the Governor with the help of ministers who were responsible to the legislative council. This division was a major flaw, as ministers often lacked control over finances and bureaucracy, making the system largely ineffective. Statement 2 is correct. The Act of 1919 replaced the existing Imperial Legislative Council with a bicameral legislature at the Centre. This new legislature consisted of two houses: the Council of State (Upper House) and the Central Legislative Assembly (Lower House). This was the first introduction of a two-house system in the central legislature of India. Statement 3 is incorrect. The franchise was extended by the Act, but it was far from universal. Voting rights were severely restricted and based on high qualifications of property, tax payment, or education. Only a very small fraction of the Indian population (estimated to be around 10% for provincial councils) was granted the right to vote. Universal adult franchise was a demand of the nationalists, not a provision of the 1919 Act. Incorrect Solution: A Statement 1 is incorrect. The system of ‘dyarchy’ (rule of two) introduced in the provinces did not place all subjects under responsible ministers. Instead, it created a division of provincial subjects into two lists: ‘Reserved’ and ‘Transferred’. Reserved subjects (like finance, law and order, police) were administered by the Governor with his executive councillors, who were not responsible to the legislature. Transferred subjects (like education, health, local government) were administered by the Governor with the help of ministers who were responsible to the legislative council. This division was a major flaw, as ministers often lacked control over finances and bureaucracy, making the system largely ineffective. Statement 2 is correct. The Act of 1919 replaced the existing Imperial Legislative Council with a bicameral legislature at the Centre. This new legislature consisted of two houses: the Council of State (Upper House) and the Central Legislative Assembly (Lower House). This was the first introduction of a two-house system in the central legislature of India. Statement 3 is incorrect. The franchise was extended by the Act, but it was far from universal. Voting rights were severely restricted and based on high qualifications of property, tax payment, or education. Only a very small fraction of the Indian population (estimated to be around 10% for provincial councils) was granted the right to vote. Universal adult franchise was a demand of the nationalists, not a provision of the 1919 Act.

#### 3. Question

With reference to the Government of India Act, 1919 (Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms), consider the following statements:

• The Act introduced a system of ‘dyarchy’ in the provinces, where all provincial subjects were administered by ministers responsible to the legislative council.

• It established a bicameral legislature at the Centre for the first time.

• The franchise for provincial elections was extended to all adults above the age of 21.

How many of the above statements are correct?

• (a) Only one

• (b) Only two

• (c) All three

Solution: A

• Statement 1 is incorrect. The system of ‘dyarchy’ (rule of two) introduced in the provinces did not place all subjects under responsible ministers. Instead, it created a division of provincial subjects into two lists: ‘Reserved’ and ‘Transferred’. Reserved subjects (like finance, law and order, police) were administered by the Governor with his executive councillors, who were not responsible to the legislature. Transferred subjects (like education, health, local government) were administered by the Governor with the help of ministers who were responsible to the legislative council. This division was a major flaw, as ministers often lacked control over finances and bureaucracy, making the system largely ineffective.

• Statement 2 is correct. The Act of 1919 replaced the existing Imperial Legislative Council with a bicameral legislature at the Centre. This new legislature consisted of two houses: the Council of State (Upper House) and the Central Legislative Assembly (Lower House). This was the first introduction of a two-house system in the central legislature of India.

• Statement 3 is incorrect. The franchise was extended by the Act, but it was far from universal. Voting rights were severely restricted and based on high qualifications of property, tax payment, or education. Only a very small fraction of the Indian population (estimated to be around 10% for provincial councils) was granted the right to vote. Universal adult franchise was a demand of the nationalists, not a provision of the 1919 Act.

Solution: A

• Question 4 of 5 4. Question In what essential ways did the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) differ from the Non-Cooperation Movement (NCM)? The stated objective of the NCM was ‘Swaraj’, while the CDM was launched with the explicit goal of ‘Purna Swaraj’ or Complete Independence. The NCM saw a higher degree of Muslim participation due to the Khilafat issue, whereas Muslim participation in the CDM was comparatively lower. The NCM’s programme was centered on the boycott of institutions, while the CDM’s core programme involved the deliberate violation of laws. The NCM was abruptly withdrawn after a single incident of violence, while the CDM was suspended as part of a political settlement with the government. Select the correct answer using the code given below: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 1, 3, and 4 only (c) 1, 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2, 3 and 4 Correct Solution: D The Civil Disobedience Movement and the Non-Cooperation Movement differed in objectives, social base, methods, and the circumstances of their withdrawal. The Non-Cooperation Movement (1920–22) aimed broadly at swaraj within the Empire and was closely linked to the Khilafat issue, which ensured significant Muslim participation. In contrast, the Civil Disobedience Movement (1930–34) was launched after the Lahore Session with the explicit goal of purna swaraj, reflecting a more radical and unambiguous demand for complete independence. Programmatically, NCM focused on non-participation and boycott of colonial institutions such as councils, courts, schools, and foreign goods, whereas CDM marked a qualitative shift by encouraging the open and symbolic violation of laws, most famously beginning with the Salt Law. Finally, the NCM was withdrawn abruptly after the Chauri Chaura incident due to concerns over violence, while the CDM was suspended following negotiations and political settlements like the Gandhi–Irwin Pact. Incorrect Solution: D The Civil Disobedience Movement and the Non-Cooperation Movement differed in objectives, social base, methods, and the circumstances of their withdrawal. The Non-Cooperation Movement (1920–22) aimed broadly at swaraj within the Empire and was closely linked to the Khilafat issue, which ensured significant Muslim participation. In contrast, the Civil Disobedience Movement (1930–34) was launched after the Lahore Session with the explicit goal of purna swaraj, reflecting a more radical and unambiguous demand for complete independence. Programmatically, NCM focused on non-participation and boycott of colonial institutions such as councils, courts, schools, and foreign goods, whereas CDM marked a qualitative shift by encouraging the open and symbolic violation of laws, most famously beginning with the Salt Law. Finally, the NCM was withdrawn abruptly after the Chauri Chaura incident due to concerns over violence, while the CDM was suspended following negotiations and political settlements like the Gandhi–Irwin Pact.

#### 4. Question

In what essential ways did the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) differ from the Non-Cooperation Movement (NCM)?

• The stated objective of the NCM was ‘Swaraj’, while the CDM was launched with the explicit goal of ‘Purna Swaraj’ or Complete Independence.

• The NCM saw a higher degree of Muslim participation due to the Khilafat issue, whereas Muslim participation in the CDM was comparatively lower.

• The NCM’s programme was centered on the boycott of institutions, while the CDM’s core programme involved the deliberate violation of laws.

• The NCM was abruptly withdrawn after a single incident of violence, while the CDM was suspended as part of a political settlement with the government.

Select the correct answer using the code given below:

• (a) 1 and 2 only

• (b) 1, 3, and 4 only

• (c) 1, 2 and 3 only

• (d) 1, 2, 3 and 4

Solution: D

• The Civil Disobedience Movement and the Non-Cooperation Movement differed in objectives, social base, methods, and the circumstances of their withdrawal. The Non-Cooperation Movement (1920–22) aimed broadly at swaraj within the Empire and was closely linked to the Khilafat issue, which ensured significant Muslim participation.

• In contrast, the Civil Disobedience Movement (1930–34) was launched after the Lahore Session with the explicit goal of purna swaraj, reflecting a more radical and unambiguous demand for complete independence.

• Programmatically, NCM focused on non-participation and boycott of colonial institutions such as councils, courts, schools, and foreign goods, whereas CDM marked a qualitative shift by encouraging the open and symbolic violation of laws, most famously beginning with the Salt Law.

• Finally, the NCM was withdrawn abruptly after the Chauri Chaura incident due to concerns over violence, while the CDM was suspended following negotiations and political settlements like the Gandhi–Irwin Pact.

Solution: D

• Question 5 of 5 5. Question Consider the following statements regarding the ideological currents within the Indian National Congress in the 1920s and 1930s: The ‘Swarajists’ advocated for a complete boycott of the legislative councils, while the ‘No-Changers’ argued for entering them to obstruct government work from within. The rise of the Left-wing within the Congress, represented by leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, led to the adoption of a resolution for the abolition of private property at the Karachi Session of 1931. The ‘No-Changers’ faction, led by figures like Vallabhbhai Patel and Rajendra Prasad, focused on grassroots constructive work such as promoting Khadi and Hindu-Muslim unity. How many of the above statements are correct? (a) Only one (b) Only two (c) All three (c) All three Correct Solution: A Statement 1 is incorrect. Following the withdrawal of the NCM, the Congress was split on the question of legislative council entry. The ‘Swarajists’ (or Pro-Changers), led by C.R. Das and Motilal Nehru, argued for entering the councils to carry on the political struggle from within through a strategy of “uniform, continuous and consistent obstruction.” The ‘No-Changers’, led by C. Rajagopalachari, Vallabhbhai Patel, and Rajendra Prasad, advocated for a boycott of the councils and concentration on the Gandhian constructive programme in the villages. Statement 2 is incorrect. While the influence of Jawaharlal Nehru and the Left-wing was growing, and socialist ideas were gaining currency, the Karachi Resolution on Fundamental Rights and Economic Policy (1931) did not call for the abolition of private property. It was a radical resolution for its time, advocating for the state’s ownership or control of key industries, mines, and transport. However, it also explicitly stated that “the State shall own or control key industries and services… and property,” which is different from a complete abolition of private property. Statement 3 is correct. The ‘No-Changers’ were staunch followers of Mahatma Gandhi’s philosophy and believed that the real work of nation-building lay in the villages, away from the legislative chambers. They argued that the focus should be on preparing the masses for the next phase of struggle through dedicated, grassroots ‘constructive work’. This included popularizing the spinning wheel (charkha) and Khadi, working for Hindu-Muslim unity, campaigning against untouchability, and promoting national education. They believed this work would strengthen the social fabric of the nation and build its inner strength (Atmasakti) for future movements. Incorrect Solution: A Statement 1 is incorrect. Following the withdrawal of the NCM, the Congress was split on the question of legislative council entry. The ‘Swarajists’ (or Pro-Changers), led by C.R. Das and Motilal Nehru, argued for entering the councils to carry on the political struggle from within through a strategy of “uniform, continuous and consistent obstruction.” The ‘No-Changers’, led by C. Rajagopalachari, Vallabhbhai Patel, and Rajendra Prasad, advocated for a boycott of the councils and concentration on the Gandhian constructive programme in the villages. Statement 2 is incorrect. While the influence of Jawaharlal Nehru and the Left-wing was growing, and socialist ideas were gaining currency, the Karachi Resolution on Fundamental Rights and Economic Policy (1931) did not call for the abolition of private property. It was a radical resolution for its time, advocating for the state’s ownership or control of key industries, mines, and transport. However, it also explicitly stated that “the State shall own or control key industries and services… and property,” which is different from a complete abolition of private property. Statement 3 is correct. The ‘No-Changers’ were staunch followers of Mahatma Gandhi’s philosophy and believed that the real work of nation-building lay in the villages, away from the legislative chambers. They argued that the focus should be on preparing the masses for the next phase of struggle through dedicated, grassroots ‘constructive work’. This included popularizing the spinning wheel (charkha) and Khadi, working for Hindu-Muslim unity, campaigning against untouchability, and promoting national education. They believed this work would strengthen the social fabric of the nation and build its inner strength (Atmasakti) for future movements.

#### 5. Question

Consider the following statements regarding the ideological currents within the Indian National Congress in the 1920s and 1930s:

• The ‘Swarajists’ advocated for a complete boycott of the legislative councils, while the ‘No-Changers’ argued for entering them to obstruct government work from within.

• The rise of the Left-wing within the Congress, represented by leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, led to the adoption of a resolution for the abolition of private property at the Karachi Session of 1931.

• The ‘No-Changers’ faction, led by figures like Vallabhbhai Patel and Rajendra Prasad, focused on grassroots constructive work such as promoting Khadi and Hindu-Muslim unity.

How many of the above statements are correct?

• (a) Only one

• (b) Only two

• (c) All three

Solution: A

• Statement 1 is incorrect. Following the withdrawal of the NCM, the Congress was split on the question of legislative council entry. The ‘Swarajists’ (or Pro-Changers), led by C.R. Das and Motilal Nehru, argued for entering the councils to carry on the political struggle from within through a strategy of “uniform, continuous and consistent obstruction.” The ‘No-Changers’, led by C. Rajagopalachari, Vallabhbhai Patel, and Rajendra Prasad, advocated for a boycott of the councils and concentration on the Gandhian constructive programme in the villages.

• Statement 2 is incorrect. While the influence of Jawaharlal Nehru and the Left-wing was growing, and socialist ideas were gaining currency, the Karachi Resolution on Fundamental Rights and Economic Policy (1931) did not call for the abolition of private property. It was a radical resolution for its time, advocating for the state’s ownership or control of key industries, mines, and transport. However, it also explicitly stated that “the State shall own or control key industries and services… and property,” which is different from a complete abolition of private property.

• Statement 3 is correct. The ‘No-Changers’ were staunch followers of Mahatma Gandhi’s philosophy and believed that the real work of nation-building lay in the villages, away from the legislative chambers. They argued that the focus should be on preparing the masses for the next phase of struggle through dedicated, grassroots ‘constructive work’. This included popularizing the spinning wheel (charkha) and Khadi, working for Hindu-Muslim unity, campaigning against untouchability, and promoting national education. They believed this work would strengthen the social fabric of the nation and build its inner strength (Atmasakti) for future movements.

Solution: A

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